Hey there, I thought I’d say a few
more words about “What is Enlightenment?” since we only spent a single day on
it (and also because I just had more to say). I want to thank Norm for this
excellent, provocative post on the essay.
He has both clarified the text itself as well as raised important
questions, that due to our schedule, I will not be able to answer in class. I
am particularly glad that he ventured to answer the question regarding the
relation of metaphysics to Enlightenment.
Although there are many great
comments here I will for brevity’s sake respond to a couple. Ethan’s
clarification is very helpful and amplifies beneficially what I was saying in
class on Wednesday. As well, I appreciate John’s comment about Frederick the
Great. I strongly agree that Kant’s text is not a polemic—if anything it’s more
of a Festschrift, a celebratory
writing, devoted to a Frederick (in this respect, Jon P is closer to the truth
… Kant does sound a bit sycophantic). For examples of polemics, see his
comments on his reviewers in the Appendix to the Prolegomena. But in 18th century Prussia, no one raises polemics
against the king.
Metaphysics and
Enlightenment
First, we must remember that Kant
in the Prolegomena asks after the
possibility of metaphysics as a science.
He has strict rules for what a science is and despite his passionate
devotion to metaphysics, he applies them carefully and without immoderate
generosity. But public discourse cannot satisfy those rules, of establishing a
foundation that is “permanent” and “complete” because the concerns of public
discourse are not scientific. They concern matters of public concern that are
revisable, civil laws and practices—but for metaphysics to be a science, it
cannot be revisable.
Second, the ends of Enlightenment
and philosophy as metaphysics are different. Metaphysics needs to be
established as a science, whereas Enlightenment takes its aim as the liberation
of individuals’ reason from the hegemony of institutions.
Writing and Civil Law
This is the most interesting issue,
namely, the unique status of writing in relation to civil law. First, there is
the perplexing fact that Kant simply identifies writing with intellectual
freedom. This seems contrary to fact, in that in Prussia (at least after
Frederick the Great and likely before him, if not during his rule) texts were
always submitted to a censor before publication. Thus, far from intellectual
freedom, writing seems to be the place in which certain constraints are placed
on intellectual life. This is also contrary to tradition, in that philosophical
history consistently derogated writing as a “dead” representation of thought,
as Plato put it in the Phaedrus. Thus,
reason would seem not constrained in this perspective, but neutralized.
Second, intellectual freedom is
most extended where civil freedoms are curtailed. What Kant means by this is
that where human action is more limited, the mind can act more freely. It may
appear as if he is saying the opposite of this, but a closer examination
reveals otherwise.
“A high degree of civil freedom
seems advantageous to a people’s intellectual freedom, yet it also sets up
insuperable barriers to it. Conversely, a lesser degree of civil freedom gives
intellectual freedom the room to expand to its full extent” (59). It seems like the greater the field of
human action, intellectual freedom would equally benefit. Yet some “insuperable
barriers” are erected, and intellectual freedom is actually liberated more
though a more limited sphere of human action. What these “insuperable barriers”
are, I will not speculate here. The question is, how do limits on public action
benefit literary culture and intellectual freedom? Where the actions of bodies and individuals are most closely
circumscribed, the mind gains a freedom from its guidance of the former?
Third, why does public speech, not
writing, threaten civil peace? Freedom of speech is allowed, only insofar as
individuals are publishing themselves, rather than vocalizing themselves. The
sphere of public reason is delimited, as I indicated above. Johann the Blacksmith
and Gottfried the Miller are not privy to the discourse of “scholars.” Since
they may well be illiterate, does public reason, when vocalized, provoke the
illiterate to disrupt civil law?
Whereas “scholars” can respect the space of writing, in which thoughts
are expressed without immediate civil consequences? Is spoken public reason (if this were possible) closer to civil action
than written public reason?